Full Project – EXPLAINING RESURGENCE OF SECESSIONIST AGITATIONS IN NIGERIA (2011-2017)

EXPLAINING RESURGENCE OF SECESSIONIST AGITATIONS IN NIGERIA (2011- 2017)

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

Background to the Study

One of the greatest challenges the country is currently facing is the seemingly unending spate of crises across the entire land. Today, the country parades several yet-to-be-resolved crises, including those of the Boko Haram insurgency in the North-East of Nigeria since 2009; intermittent religious clashes between Muslims and Christians which have claimed many lives, especially in Kaduna State since 2016; incessant conflict between farmers and herdsmen which was somewhat limited to the north initially, but now a nightmare in several communities in South-East and South-West (Olufemi, 2005).

The resumption of militancy through the activities of the Niger Delta Avengers (NDA) in the South-South, which has almost crippled the nations economy; and of course, the agitation for the creation of the state of Biafra separate from the Nigerian State by emerging groups like the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) in South-East (Ohaneze, 2002).

The history of secessionist threats as the instruments of political bargains is a feature of Nigeria’s political evolution. This dates back to 1953 when the northern region threatened to secede, based on the motion passed by delegates from the South that proposed Nigeria’s independence be granted in 1956. The Northern threat of secession had its roots in fears that the Northern region was unprepared to compete politically or economically with the South within an independent, unified Nigeria. Nonetheless, the motion was dropped in preference for unified Nigerians.

The North, in 1950 and 1953 at the Ibadan General Conference and in reaction to the crisis generated by the demand for self-government by the South respectively, threatened to secede from Nigeria. The West in 1954 also threatened to break away from the rest of the country when Lagos was cut off from the Western region. The same apply to the East when Nnamdi Azikwe failed to win a seat in the Central Legislative Council, the House of Representatives, in 1952 due to what he perceived as the Action Group and Yorubas gang-up against him. Consequently, œAzikwe decided to resign his position from the Western regional house as Leader of the opposition party and proceeded to the Eastern region (Awofeso, 2014).

In 1967, the secessionist state of Biafra was declared, and this declaration gave birth the Nigerian civil war. Since the civil war, there has been a conscious attitude among different ethnic groups in terms of relating to each other (Okonta, 2008).

The Nigerian state since its emergence has been struggling with the challenge of how to unite the numerous ethnic nationalities in the country into one united nation. The challenge of forging national consciousness and unity among the different ethnic nationalities has always been compounded by the inability of the successive governments to frontally address the problems associated with citizenship, religion, ethnicity, inequality, resource distribution, native-settler dichotomy and development. The negative fallout from the situation has not only promoted disunity and mistrust among Nigerians but has manifested in the resentful disposition towards the Nigerian state exhibited by the nationalities that feel disadvantaged and aggrieved remaining in Nigeria. To this end, separatist agitations, which have been a regular feature of Nigerian politics, remain a veritable tool for the expression of discontent with the Nigerian state and a platform for demanding adequate political accommodation. With the aid of hindsight, these separatist agitations that date back to the era of British colonial administration cannot be adequately explained outside the context of poor leadership and the absence of an ideology with mass appeal (Tamuno, 1970). The interplay of power and forces between different ethnic nationalities that resort to separatist agitations has constantly threatened the continued existence of the Nigerian state. Unfortunately, the dominant political elites have not found any practical solution to this challenge.

The advent, in 1999, of democracy which thrives in rule of law raised hopes that the enormous challenges besetting the Nigerian state, including separatist agitations, would be concretely addressed. The expectation was that democratic practice with its ideals of fairness, freedom, justice, equity and participation could provide a platform for accommodation that could address the issue. But events since then have shown that the challenge rather than being solved is exacerbating. By 1999, the Odua Peoples Congress was the main group making separatist demands because of the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election which was believed to have been won by late MKO Abiola, a Yoruba from the Southwest. Today a plethora of separatist groups and social movements, with diverse aims and targets, exists in the six geopolitical zones of the country. The division of the country into six geopolitical zones (although not constitutionally recognized but which has become a platform for political accommodation by the government) seems to have aggravated the proliferation of separatist groups since it has made ethnic mobilization a bit easier for the specific ethnic groups occupying the different geopolitical zones.

Meanwhile, in recent times, IPOB has stepped-up struggles for the actualization of the sovereign state of Biafra through protests and other forms of social mobilization. The protests have triggered tension and heightened security, with the security agencies applying excessive force to quell the protests.

The extant literature is rich with narratives bordering on the issue of separatist movements and ethno-nationalism in Nigeria. Scholars like Tamuno (1970) points to poor leadership and lack of an ideology with mass appeal. Duruji (2012, 2014) differently points to the perception of inequality and injustice held by the Igbos and the inability of democratic institutions to contain with the explosion of ethno-national grievances. Recently, Ibeanu, Orji and Iwuamadi (2016) underscore the fact that the feeling of collective victimization which ties all separatist movements together cannot be discarded in any genuine effort to understand the resurgence of separatist agitation in the Southeast, Nigeria.

Statement of Problem

Secession has remained a source of serious concern in Nigerias politics throughout its four decades of independence. From using threats of secession as an instrument in political negotiation, through several minority protest movements, to outright war, the inclination to construct national identities has remained pronounced throughout the country.

One of the main problems of the Nigerian government is that it often overlooks the challenges that underminesocial security until a serious problem presents itself. From a global and international perspective on separatist movement, Brian (2008) assert that ˜nearly two dozen separatist movements are active worldwide, concentrated in Europe and Asia. At least seven are violent and reflect ethnic or religious differences with the mother country. This shows that separatist movements span the globe. Similarly, Brian indicated that agitations towards self-determination through independence have been on the increase in the EU recently. A major issue fuelling these agitations is the economic crisis and an interrelated crisis of confidence that is overwhelming the continent.

The resurgence of ethnic agitations in Nigeria including ethnic militias such as MASSOB/IPOB of Eastern Nigeria, shows a major problem with unification and a sense of oneness in Nigeria, a problem which the government has failed to aptly manage. Successful states are distinguished from weak, failed or collapsed states based on their performance in discharging the most crucial political goods. The issue concerning ethnic militias is not limited to MASSOB/IPOB. In fact, the antecedent of MASSOB emergence lies in the OPC, led by a young Yoruba carpenter with the advertised mission to mobilize the Yoruba to break away from Nigeria and establish a new state named Oduduwa, after the mythical primogenitor of their ethnic group. This shows that ethnic tension in Nigeria is not an unusual occurrence (Elaigwu, 1973).

Objectives of the Study

This study has as its main objective, explaining resurgence of secessionist agitations in Nigeria 2011“2017. The specific objectives are:

  1. To determine the nature of resurgence of secessionist agitations on State security.
  2. To identify the effect of resurgence of secessionist agitations on threat to life.

iii.        To appraise how resurgence of secessionist agitations will encroach freedom of movement.

Research Questions

The following research questions was buttressed for the study

  1. To what extent will resurgence of secessionist agitations affect State security?
  2. To what extent will the resurgence of secessionist agitations affect threat to life?

iii.        How will resurgence of secessionist agitations encroach freedom of movement?

Significance of the Study

This research study aims at explaining resurgence of secessionist agitations in Nigeria 2011- 2017. For this reason, the research findings when successfully completed shall be beneficial in many ways to various categories of users.

Firstly, this study shall be useful to future researchers, especially university students and students in other institutions who may see the work both as a reference point for researchers in related areas as well as an indispensable source of literature in the course of their study. Furthermore, the recommendations to be made will be of immense benefit to education planners in making sound decisions.

Heads and supervisors of academic institutions will find the study to be of much benefit since it can serve as a basis for assessment, evaluation and possible adjustment for better performance.

This research has aided in examining the explaining resurgence of secessionist agitations in Nigeria 2011- 2017. It would also profer solution to secessionists resurgence and those other nations with similar fate.

Finally, since limited attention has been given to research of this kind in Nigeria, this study is likely to provoke many researches to be conducted in this area and other

Scope of the Study

The research work examines the explaining resurgence of secessionist agitations in Nigeria 2011 – 2017. The scope of the research is limited to Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB).

Operational Definition of Terms

Resurgence: Resurgence is an increase of activity or interest in a particular idea which had been forgotten for some time.

Secessionist: Secessionist is a person who favours formal withdrawal from membership of a federation or body, especially a political state.

Agitation: Agitation is a state of anxiety or nervous excitement.

Security: Security means safety, as well as the measures taken to be safe or protected.

Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB): Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) is a separatist organization.

Research Methodology

Desk based, internet analysis of existing publication on Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) qualitative study rely on secondary data.

 

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RESEARCH PROJECT CONTENTS
CHAPTER ONE - INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the study
1.2 Statement of problem
1.3 Objective of the study
1.4 Research Hypotheses
1.5 Significance of the study
1.6 Scope and limitation of the study
1.7 Definition of terms
1.8 Organization of the study
CHAPETR TWO – LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1. Introduction
2.2. Conceptual Framework
2.3. Theoretical Framework
2.4 Empirical Review
CHAPETR THREE - RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Research Design
3.2 Study Area
3.3 Population of the Study
3.4 Sample Size and Sampling Technique
3.5 Instrument for Data Collection
3.6 Validity of the Instrument
3.7 Reliability of the Instrument
3.8 Method of Data Collection
3.9 Method of Data Analysis
3.9 Method of Data Analysis
3.10 Ethical Considerations
CHAPTER FOUR - DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.1. Introduction
4.2 Demographic Profiles of Respondents
4.2 Research Questions
4.3. Testing of Research Hypothesis
4.4 Discussion of Findings
CHAPTER FIVE – SUMMARY, CONCLUSION & RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Summary
5.3 Conclusion
5.4 Recommendation
REFERENCES
APPENDIX


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